Monday, March 29, 2010

The Malay Intelligentsia (late 1930s and 1940s)

Bangsawan, with its integration of popular art forms from various cultures, had its appeal to the masses across the socio-economical spectrum. With greater education opportunities in those days, there was an increase in the numbers of Malay intelligentsia. However, these better-educated “elites” had always criticized bangsawan especially for its use of informal Malay language and the adulteration of Malay culture in bangsawan. According to Za’aba, a well-known Malay writer and teacher, ‘there are many ridiculous anachronisms in costumes and scenes, the strong bias for magic elements and fairy tales in the stories enacted, and the hybrid, often dull song interludes between scenes’[1]. This had clearly displayed the rising sense of displeasure over the evolution of the bangsawan amongst the educated Malays.

Criticisms of bangsawan from the Malay intellectuals became stronger and the call to revert bangsawan to its pure Malay cultural form became an avenue for the rising Malay nationalist sentiment. This sentiment had largely originated from the British colonial rule in the Malay Peninsula that had ‘unified the Malay states and created a large territorial and political state called “British Malaya”’[2]. Furthermore, there was additional tension to the Malays from a growing Chinese community in Singapore. The influx of Chinese immigrants would come to dominate the local economy and also, gain power in the political scene. As bangsawan had previously diversified to integrate Western, Chinese, Indian and Arabic musical elements into its repertoire, the Malay intelligentsia wanted bangsawan to return to its Malay roots. This reminder of their Malay identity would serve the purpose of uniting the Malay community. The Malayan Orchid had also declared that, ‘whatever culture we have must be our own, characteristic of our Malayan soil, genius and atmosphere’[3].

The Malay Intelligentsia then attempted to redeem and strengthen their own cultural values and identity through the protection and preservation of their own cultural form. Similar mechanisms to protect and maintain cultural and social relationships had been employed by the Chinese and the Europeans through their setting up of social clubs and associations. This act of community preservation could be attributed to the indigenous Malays feeling threatened by the influx of migrants into their homeland. Therefore, there was a need to have proper channels for Malay nationalist movement to reinforce the special status of Malays in society. Bangsawan, being a popular culture at that time, became a convenient tool for the nationalist movement.

The better-educated Malay intelligentsia had wanted bangsawan to become a more relevant form of arts for the community. Hence, the irrelevant and archaic classical bangsawan was transformed into a more realistic form of bangsawan known as sandiwara. The latter featured realistic and historical stories with interweaving themes on race, nation, religion and history. This revised form of bangsawan soon became the popular theatre in the towns of Malaya. The crowds were probably attracted and supportive of this new form of theatre because it was a way to show the other races, especially the British, the strength of their unity. Furthermore, nationalist thoughts and values were being cultured and shaped through the construction of a realistic bangsawan theatre in this period.

As this revised form of bangsawan gained fame, political groups began to tap on its popularity. An example of this could be seen in a move made by the United Malays National Organization (UMNO), which ‘called on bangsawan troupes to campaign for the party during the first national elections’[4], just before the Independence in 1965. These political and nationalistic groups had converted bangsawan from a pure entertainment form of theatre to one that had to infuse political messages into their plays. Politicians made use of bangsawan as a form of media to convey political messages just like how politicians now use television as a channel to garner the support of the masses. The politicians’ act of employing bangsawan to amplify their messages indicated how widespread bangsawan was.



[1] Tan, “The Dynamics of Change in Bangsawan”, p. 252.

[2] Cheah B. K., “The Erosion of Ideological Hegemony and Royal Power and the Rise of Postwar Malay Nationalism, 1945-46”, Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 19,1 (Mar 1988), p. 5.

[3] Yeo K. W., “Student Politics in University of Malaya, 1949-51”, Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 23,2 (Sep 1992), p. 372.

[4] Tan, Bangsawan, p. 253.

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